Freedman, Joseph S. 1985. "Philosophy Instruction within the Institutional Framework of Central European Schools and Universities During the
Reformation Era." In History of Universities. Vol. 5, 117-166. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Reprinted as Essay II in: Philosophy and the Arts in Central Europe, 1500-1700.
"In order to assess the place which philosophy instruction had within the organisational framework of schools and universities in Central
Europe during the Reformation era (c.1500-1650), one should first briefly take a closer look at the concept of philosophy. This concept is very frequently
discussed in philosophical encyclopedias, in textbooks on metaphysics, physics, mathematics, ethics, politics and logic, and in other kinds of works as well.
Within the context of these discussions philosophy is usually divided into various disciplines. Three classifications of philosophical disciplines by Central
European authors are presented in tables a, b, and c.
Detailed discussion of such classifications lies beyond the scope of this paper. Only the following points need concern us here. Physics,
mathematics, ethics, family life (oeconomica), and politics appear in virtually all of these classifications made during the 1500-1650 period.
Metaphysics is occasionally omitted, especially in those classifications presented by some sixteenth-century Protestant philosophers. Family life is sometimes
considered as a sub-category of politics. The seven liberal arts (i.e. grammar, rhetoric, logic, arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy) are usually
included within these classifications. Arithmetic, geometry, music, and astronomy normally fall within the realm of mathematics. Increasingly from about the
year 1550 onwards some authors argue that philology (i.e. logic, rhetoric, grammar, and sometimes poetry and/or history) is not properly speaking a part of
philosophy, but rather preparation for and an instrument of the same. This latter development -- as we shall see -- was reflected within the philosophy
curriculum of Central European academic institutions during the Reformation era." p. 117
"Metaphysics played an important role in the philosophical curriculum of fifteenth-century Central European universities. By the 1520s,
however, metaphysics instruction began to be removed from the curriculum.(97) This was especially true at Protestant universities (e.g. Basel, Leipzig,
Rostock, Tubingen, and Wittenberg).(98) Yet at some Catholic universities -- e.g. Ingolstadt (1526), Vienna (1537), and Heidelberg (1551) -- metaphysics
instruction was also absent. Beginning in the second half of the sixteenth century, metaphysics instruction was strongly emphasised at Jesuit academic
institutions (e.g. the University of Dillingen) and at those universities where the Jesuits were able to influence or determine the philosophy curriculum (e.g.
Cologne, Ingolstadt). At some Protestant universities metaphysics instruction slowly resurfaced in the course of the late sixteenth and early seventeeth
centuries.(99) Sometimes subject matter taken from the discipline of metaphysics was taught as part of physics and/or ethics and/or logic instruction." pp.
(97) No easy explanation can be given for this development; this problem will be discussed in another article.
(98) Metaphysics was taught at the University of Leipzig through the year 1542 but not thereafter; see Leipzig (1502-1558), pp. 667-669.
(99) Max Wundt held to this opinion; see Max Wundt, Die deutsche Schulmetaphysik des 17. Jahrhunderts (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr/Paul Siebeck,
1939), pp. 5, 12-13, 34-69. To date little evidence has been produced to the contrary. At the Altdorf Academy in 1586 and 1589 and at the University of Giessen
in 1607 the professor of logic also taught metaphysics; by 1618 in Altdorf and by 1629 in Giessen there was a professor of logic and metaphysics. See Altdorf
(1586), fol. B1 Altdorf (1589), fol. B1r; Altdorf (1618); table 1.
———. 1985. "Classification and Definition within 16th and 17th Century Philosophy." In Studien Zur Klassifikation, Systematik Und
Terminologie. Theorie Und Praxis. Akten Der 6. Jahrestagung Des Münsteraner Arbeitskreises Für Semiotik, Münster 25. Und 26. September 1984, edited by
Dutz, Klaus D., 321-354. Münster: Institut für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft und MAkS Publikationen.
———. 1986. "Cicero in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Rhetoric Instruction." Rhetorica no. 4 (3):227-254.
Reprinted as Essay III in: Philosophy and the Arts in Central Europe, 1500-1700.
"Any systematic attempt to investigate the role of Cicero within rhetoric instruction in 16th- and 17th-century Europe will uncover an
overwhelming amount of relevant source material in printed and manuscript form extant in hundreds -- if not thousands -- of European archives and libraries.
The assertion that Cicero was used within this rhetoric instruction amounts to little more than the statement of a self-evident fact. Less evident is how and
why Cicero's writings were used to teach rhetoric during the period from 1500 to 1700. A variety of source materials will be examined here in order to arrive
at tentative answers to these two questions." (p. 227)
"A thorough investigation of the use of Cicero's writings at European schools and universities during the 16th- and 17th-centuries will
require work with printed and manuscript material pertaining to a substantial number of schools and universities within the various regions of Europe. (55)
Printed and archival source materials pertaining to individual academic institutions must be located, collected, and carefully evaluated. These sources contain
information concerning a wide variety of subject matters, including the use of Cicero's writings. On the basis of the facts presented in tables g through m the
following two hypotheses can be ventured at this time. (56)
First, in school instruction Cicero's works on rhetoric were studied alongside with his works on other subject matters. At most schools
rhetoric was taught in connection with other subjects, e.g., logic, grammar, history, ethics, and politics. (57) Cicero's works on subject matters other than
rhetoric were often read in this connection. Interdisciplinary collections of commonplaces such as the Ciceronianus of Petrus Ramus could also be utilized.
(58) At Jesuit schools Cicero's writings were used at all pre-philosophy levels of instruction; at Protestant schools they were normally used in the more
advanced grades but not in elementary instruction. (59) At universities and within university-level instruction held at other academic institutions, however,
Cicero's works generally were utilized within rhetoric instruction but only infrequently within other parts of the curriculum. (60)
Second, at 16th- and 17th-century schools and universities Cicero was usually not the only author read within the theoretical component of
rhetoric instruction. Use was made there of writings by Aristotle, Cicero, Hermogenes, and Quintilian as well as of works by more "modem" rhetoricians such as
George of Trebizond (1395-1472/3?), Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560), and Cyprianus Soarez (1524-1593). (61) At most academic institutions Cicero appears to
have been read alongside many other authors within this theoretical instruction. Yet in most cases Cicero was the principal or only author used within the
practical component of rhetoric instruction." (pp. 238-239)
(55) A large number of such academic institutions are discussed in Joseph S. Freedman, "Philosophy Instruction within the Institutional
Framework of Central European Schools and Universities during the Reformation Era," History of Universities, 5 (1986), (forthcoming).
( 56) Tables h through m are based upon the following sources: h: Rudolf Kink, ed., Geschichte der kaiserlichen Universität zu Wien,
vo1. 2: Statutenbuch der Universität (Wien: 1854; reprint ed., Frankfurt: Minerva, 1969), pp. 376-383; i: Leges Academiae Genevensis
(Genevae: Oliva Roberti Stephani, (1559)), fol. Clr-C2r, C3v-C4v [Wolfenbüttel HAB: Pd 72); j: Verzameting van Stukken, die Betrekking hebben tot
Overijsselsch Regt en Geschiedenis, Tweede Afdeeling, Zevende Stuk (Deventer: J. De Lange, 1872), pp. 77-83; k: Catalogus librorum ad quorum
explicationem academici professores Collegii Mussi Pontani Societatis Iesu aggredientur ad festum S. Lucae anno domini 1605 (Prostant exemplaria apud
Melchiorem Bemardum serenissimi Lotharingiae Ducis, & Universitatis typographum, 1605) (Dillingen/Donau, Studienbibliothek: XV y 13, fol. 244); 1: Hans
Georg Gundel, ed.. Statuta Academiae Marpurgensis deinde Gissensis de anno 1629 (Marburg: Eiwert, 1982), pp. 103, 126-127, 139, 154-167, 213-217
(especially pp. 166, 213-216) [based on the original in Giessen UA: Hs 33b); Reinhold Vormbaum, ed., Die evangelischen Schulordnungen des siebenzehnten
Jahrhunderts (Gütersloh: C. Bertelsmann, 1863), pp. 375-383.
(57) For example, one rhetoric textbook by Melchior Junius presents systematically arranged lists of commonplaces taken from the disciplines
of ethics, family life, politics, and history. See Melchior Junius, Methodus eloquentiae comparandae, scholis rhetoricis tradita (Argentinae: Per
Lazarum Zetznerum, 1592), pp. 113-125 [Mainz StB: 1 / w / 859 (1)].
(58) Also see no. 2a in table c.
(59) An outline of instruction held at the Jesuit University of Dillingen (Danube) each year from 1564 until 1614 can be constructed on the
basis of extant timetables. Works by Cicero were utilized at every level through the Rhetoric grade but at no level higher than that latter grade. See
Catalogus lectionum, 1564-1614 [Dillingen/ Donau, Studienbibliothek: XV y 134, fol. 192-243].
(60) Occasionally Cicero's writings were also used to teach ethics at the university level; for example, see Rector et professores
Academiae lenensis . . . lectiones theologicae . . . iuridicae . . . medicae . . . philosophicae (Ienae: 27 lunij 1564) [Wolfenbiittel HAB: 95.10 Quodl.
(61) Concerning Trebizond see John Monfasani, George of Trebizond. A Biography and a Study of his Rhetoric and Logic (Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1976), pp. 4, 234. On Soarez see Lawrence Flynn S.J., "De arte rhetorica of Cyprian Soarez S.J.,"Quarterly Journal of Speech 42 (1956), 367-74
and 43 (1957), 257-65.
———. 1986. "Signs within 16th and 17th Century Philosophy: The Case of Clemens Timpler (1563/64-1624)." In Geschichte Und
Geschichtsschreibung Der Semiotik. Fallstudien. Akten Der 8. Arbeitstagung Des Münsteraner Arbeitskreises Für Semiotik, Münster 2.-3.10.1985, edited by
Dutz, Klaus D. and Schmitter, Peter, 101-118. Münster: MAkS Publikationen.
———. 1988. "Die Karriere Und Bedeutung Von Clemens Timpler (1563/4-1624)." In 400 Jahre Arnoldinum 1588-1988. Festschrift, 69-77.
———. 1992. "Aristotelianism and Humanism in Late Reformation German Philosophy: The Case of Clemens Timpler, 1563/64-1624." In The
Harvest of German Humanism. Papers in Honor of Lewis W. Spitz, edited by Fleischer, Manfred, 213-232. St. Louis: Concordia Press.
"Clemens Timpler (1563/64-1624), a German Calvinist philosopher and professor at the Gymnasium illustre Arnoldinum in Steinfurl/West-phalia
from 1595 to 1624, is an unknown to most scholars of the Renaissance and the Reformation. Tables 1, 2, and 3 present some basic information concerning him in
summary form. In Table 1 (2) Timpler’s family ties and career are outlined. Like most other German philosophers of the Late Reformation period—here we shall
speak of the period between c.1550 and c.1650—he taught philosophy as his profession." (p. 213)
"It is Timpler’s philosophical writings—and in particular the sources cited therein— which are of primary concern for us here. These sources
are summarized in Table 3. (10) As is evident from this table, Aristotle was by far the author most often cited by Timpler. Furthermore, many of the late 16th
and early 17th century authors whom Timpler himself cites— e.g., John Case, Bartholomew Keckermann, Francesco Piccolomini, Amandus Polanus, Jacopo Zabarella—do
likewise within their own writings.(11) Aristotle’s writings were used in philosophy instruction at all or almost all German academic institutions during the
Late-Reformation period (see Tables 7, 8, and 9).
Indeed, those German academic philosophers of the Late-Reformation philosophers of the Late-Reformation era who studied and used Aristotle’s
writings virtually comprise a universal set Therefore, the term “Aristotelianism”—which itself was not used in this period— only provides us with a very
limited amount of information concerning these philosophers. (12) More important and more difficult is the problem of how individual Late-Reformation German
philosophers used Aristotle within their own writings." (p. 215)
"The term Aristotelianism, therefore, can be understood so as to refer to almost all of Late-Reformation German philosophy. The same
uppears to be the case with humanism. Like Aristotelianism, the term humanism was not used in the Late-Reformation period. Walter Ruegg has traced the
first known use of the German term Humanismus back to the year 1808. (19) Here I shall speak of two basic ways of understanding the terms humanism and
Humanismus: 1. that of Jacob Burckhardt and 2. that of Paul Oskar Kristeller.
Among the major characteristics which are attributed by Jacob Burckhardt to “Renaissance humanist” Italian civilization of the 14th, 15th,
and 16th centuries are 1. the development of the human individual and 2. the centrality and dignity of man. (20) On the basis of Table 6 (21) it is clear that
man has central importance within the philosophy of Clemens Timpler. All that is intelligible to man is the subject matter of metaphysics. (22) Man was created
for God’s sake; however, all other creatures were created by God for man’s sake. Timpler makes a number of statements to the effect that man must preserve him-
or herself. " (p. 217)
"In his article “The Humanist Movement,’ ’ Paul Oskar Kristeller notes that the term “Renaissance Humanism” ultimately is derived from the
Latin studia humanitatis; in the 15th and 16th centuries, the studia humanitatis stood for a concise group of scholarly disciplines (i.e„ for
grammar, rhetoric, history, poetry, and moral philosophy). (24) According to Kristeller, therefore, the studia humanitatis during these two centuries
essentially constituted an educational curriculum. Considered in this way, humanism also has an integral place within the curriculum of German schools and
universities during die Late-Reformation period." (p. 218)
(2) See Joseph S. Freedman, European Academic Philosophy in the Late 16th and Early 17th Centuries. The Life, Significance, and
Philosophy of Clemens Timpler (1563-1564), 2 vols. (Hildesheim et al.; Georg Olms, 1988), chapters 2, 3, 4 (pp. 7-45, 454-88) and pp. 738-39.
(10) See Freedman, Academic Philosophy / Timpler, pp. 128-31, 134, 142, 563-68; Table 3 presents this material in abridged form.
(11) Concerning John Case see the following monograph: Charles B. Schmitt, John Case and Aristotelianism in Renaissance England
(Kingston and Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1983).
(12) The terms Aristotelici and Peripatetici are occasionally used in philosophical wotks during this period, though the
precise meaning of these two terms is rarely or never explained. Johann Heinrich Alsted mentions the Peripatetici within his classification of the
various philosophical schools; see Johannes-Henricus Alstedius, Philosophia digne restituta (Herbomae Nassoviorum: 1612), p. 93 [Marburg UB: XIV c
(19) Walter Ruegg, Cicero und der Humanismus (Zürich: Rhein-Veriag, 1946), pp. 2-3.
(20) Jacob Burckhardt, The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, 2 vols., introduction by Benjamin Nelson and Charles Trinkaus,
translated by S.G.C. Middlemore (New Yoric: Harper and Row, 1958), 1: 143-50; 2: 351-52.
(21) These statements are summarized in Freedman, Academic Philosophy / Timpler, pp. 445-46, 733-34.
(22) For Timpler, All that is Intelligible (omne intelligible) is all that which man can leam by means of the human intellectual process; see
Ibid., pp. 210-12, 412, 604-05, 714.
(24) Paul Oskar Kristeller, “The Humanist Movement,“ Renaissance Thought. The Classic, Scholastic, and Humanistic Strains (New Yoik:
Harper, 1961), pp. 9-10,19-20.
———. 1993. "Aristotle and the Content of Philosophy Instruction at Central European Schools and Universities During the Reformation Era
(1500-1650)." Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society no. 137 (2):213-253.
Reprinted as Essay V in: Philosophy and the Arts in Central Europe, 1500-1700.
"The philosophy of the late Middle Ages and the Reformation Era, i.e., of the period between 1350 and 1650, has been largely ignored by
historians of philosophy. A few philosophers of this period
i.e., Nicholas of Cusa (1401-1464) and Francis Suarez (1548-1617) - have frequently been studied by twentieth-century historians of
philosophy. However, thousands of philosophers of that three-hundred-year period have been neglected. The writings of those philosophers arose from their
academic instruction at schools and universities scattered throughout Europe. One general fact is known concerning a large portion of these writings: they make
substantial use of Aristotle's works. How should one proceed in attempting to understand these writings and the manner in which they utilize Aristotle?
Generally, there has been a tendency to place these authors within the framework of the "Aristotelian tradition" or "Aristotelianism." It is
the purpose of this article to examine the merits of that tendency. To what extent do these two concepts help us to, or deter us from, understanding European
philosophy of the late fourteenth through the early seventeenth centuries?
This article will focus on the manner in which Aristotle's writings were utilized in Central Europe during the second half of this period,
i.e., between 1500 and 1650. At individual Central European schools and universities during this period, philosophy instruction included some or all of the
following disciplines: metaphysics, physics, mathematics, ethics, family life (oeconomica), politics, logic, rhetoric, grammar, poetics, and history.
Texts by Aristotle were usually utilized to some extent in the instruction of metaphysics, physics, ethics, family life, politics, logic, rhetoric, and
poetics. In concentrating on Central Europe during these one and one-half centuries, extant sources can be utilized in order to answer the following three
questions: 1. In what ways are Aristotle's texts utilized at individual academic institutions during the Reformation era? 2. In what manner do individual
philosophers use Aristotle's writings during this period? 3. How does a group of sixteenth and seventeenth-century philosophers interpret Aristotle when
discussing individual philosophical concepts?" (2)
(2) The focus of this article is limited to Central Europe during the Reformation Era for the following two reasons: 1. The curriculum of
Central European schools and universities during the Reformation Era can be discussed on the basis of primary sources extant both in manuscript and printed
form; however, such sources are much harder to find for schools and universities in other parts of Europe. 2. Central European philosophical works of the late
Middle Ages are largely in manuscript form. These works are scattered throughout Europe; the vast majority of them have not yet been read or in many cases even
been sifted. The following article discusses-and gives primary source bibliography for- a large number of these Central European institutions: Joseph S.
Freedman, "Philosophy Instruction within the Institutional Framework of Central European Schools and Universities during the Reformation Era," History of
Universities vol. 5 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985): 117-166. (some notes omitted)
———. 1993. "The Diffusion of the Writings of Petrus Ramus in Central Europe, C. 1570 - C.1630." Renaissance Quarterly no. 56
Reprinted as Essay IV in: Philosophy and the Arts in Central Europe, 1500-1700.
"For what reasons di Academicians select to use or not to use any given textbook for their own classroom instruction during the Renaissance?
To what extent did ideological or pragmatic considerations influence such decisions? In this article these questions are posed to examine the use of the
writings ofPetrus Ramus (1515- 1572) and Omer Talon (ca. 1510- 1562) at schools and universities in Central Europe during the six decades between 1570 and
1630. Did "Ramist" academicians of this period make use in the classroom of writings by these two authors because of some fundamental agreement with their
views? Or were these two authors preferred during these six decades because their writings could be used eclectically and/or they fit well into specific parts
of the curriculum at certain academic institutions?
In the period between 1570 and 1630 there were over 30 universities and hundreds of schools in the German-language area of Europe. A large
amount of curricular information-largely in the form of annual, semi-annual, or occasional outlines of instruction as well as personal or official
correspondence-exists for many of these schools and universities. Textbooks and printed disputations arising from instruction held at these academic
institutions are also extant. This assessment of the use of writings by Ramus and Talon in Central European academic institutions is based on the examination
of a substantial portion of this evidence. The task of finding and evaluating such evidence pertaining to other parts of Europe must be left for a separate
study." (p. 98)
"It was the period between 1570 and 1630, therefore, which saw the most extensive use of the writings of Petrus Ramus and Omer Talon at
Central European schools. Among the points made by Walter J. Ong in his monograph on Ramus are the following.125 First, opposition to Ramus from
university-level academics was strong and often very well articulated. Second, Ramus's works on logic and rhetoric were relatively uncomplicated in their
content. And third, Ramus's writings were best received by, and to a large extent intended for, younger students. Ramus's influence in Central Europe between
1570 and 1630 can be explained within the context of these three points. In Central Europe during these six decades the writings of Ramus found their most
extensive use within the realm of the pre-university level curriculum.
On the basis of the evidence presented in this article, it would appear that it was largely for pragmatic reasons that Ramus was used at some
individual academic institutions but not at others in Central Europe during the period between 1570 and 1630. It is difficult to use ideology to explain these
developments. Ramus's disciples and commentators generally used Ramus's writings eclectically. Some Ramus commentators (e.g., Friedrich Beurhusius, Severinus
Sluterus) also published commentaries on Aristotle, Cicero, or some combination of these and/or other authors. The opinions of individual "Ramists" on a given
topic -- e. g., the classifications of philosophical disciplines, the concept of method -- differed markedly. In fact, it is difficult to make any sense at all
of the term "Ramist" when discussing the use of Ramus's writings in Central Europe between 1570 and 1630. The extent to which "Ramism" can or cannot be used as
a viable category to explain the use of writings by Ramus and Talon at schools and universities beyond Central Europe is a topic which merits further
attention." p. 144 (notes omitted)
———. 1994. "Instruction in Philosophy and the Arts in Early Modern Central Europe: Some Thoughts Concerning the Reproduction of Select
Primary Source Materials." Chloe.Beihefte zum Daphnis no. 25:961-974.
Conference Proceedings, "Editionsdesiderate zur frühen Neuzeit. Beiträge zur Tagung der Kommission für die Edition von Texten der Frühen
Neuzeit" held at Wolfenbüttel, Germany, October 4-7, 1994 (Zweiter Teil).
"The bulk of the textbooks used in sixteenth-, seventeenth-, and eighteenth-century Europe which are extant have survived as printed works.
This is especially true in the case of editions of works by Aristotle, Cicero, and other ancient as well as modem authors; the same also applies to most
commentaries and independently titled textbooks.
Student lecture notes usually have survived as manuscripts. Disputations did not begin to be commonly published in Central Europe until the
latter decades of the sixteenth century. Academic correspondence generally is extant in manuscript form, though some collections of such correspondence were
published during the early modem period.
Reference works, official academic orations, and announcements of lecture offerings for the coming semester or year were normally published,
while curriculum plans frequently were not. Some printed works contained important handwritten addenda such as owner's marks, autographs, student notes, and
corrections; some broadsheets and other short printed works have survived due to the fact that they were inserted between leaves of manuscripts.
All of these various types of sixteenth-, seventeenth-, and eighteenth-century works written on diverse philological and philosophical
subject-matters together constitute a very large quantity of extant printed and manuscript material. How can one determine which samples of these materials
should be edited and/or reproduced in print or non-print formats? In order to provide an answer to this question, three preliminary questions can be posed
here: 1. At which libraries and archives are these materials found and how thoroughly have these materials been catalogued there? 2. Which bibliographies of
these early modem philological and philosophical works are available? 3. What works have already been made edited and/or reproduced in some format?
Germany does not have a national library having a role comparable to that of the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris and of the British Library
in London. But Germany does have hundreds of libraries and archives that house sixteenth-, seventeenth-, and eighteenth- century printed works and manuscripts.
The Duke August Library in Wolfenbuttel and the Bavarian State Library in Munich are among the most important repositories of philological and philosophical
materials from this time period. The Duke August Library has been especially active in publishing catalogs describing its own sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century printed works and in making its own bibliographic records accessible electronically. And its holdings - together with those of the Bavarian
State Library - form the core of the multivolume Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des 16. Jahrhunderts [VD 16]." (pp.
———. 1994. "Classifications of Philosophy, the Arts, and the Sciences in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Europe." The Modern
Schoolman no. 72 (1):37-65.
Reprinted as Essay VII in: Philosophy and the Arts in Central Europe, 1500-1700.
"One aspect of the history of philosophy which has received relatively little attention is how the philosophy concept itself has been
classified into parts and how these classifications have evolved over the centuries. A few studies have focused on the development of these classifications in
the ancient and medieval West; several other studies have discussed their development in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe. Classifications of
philosophy during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries have been almost completely neglected; during those two centuries the manner in which philosophy --
and related concepts such as the arts, the liberal arts, the sciences, and encyclopedia -- was divided into parts underwent some significant changes.
Philosophy was taught at universities and schools throughout Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and served to prepare
students for study of theology, medicine, and jurisprudence.' A large volume of writings -- both in printed and in manuscript form -- was produced in
conjunction with this philosophy instruction. Many textbooks on metaphysics, physics, mathematics, ethics, logic, and other subjects written during this period
contained a section on the concept of philosophy, while some writings were devoted specifically to that latter topic. When examining the philosophy concept,
most authors provided a definition or definitions thereof before proceeding to classify its parts. Some authors also included discussion of the various schools
(sectae) of philosophers.
Despite the fact that many attempts were made to define philosophy during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, these definitions
generally do not provide us with much information concerning the philosophy concept itself.
This is partially due to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century views with respect to definitions. During those two centuries, definition theory
was normally discussed within logic textbooks and within short treatises specifically devoted to the subject matter of both definition and classification or
just definition alone." p. 37 (notes omitted)
This article has its origin in a lecture given at the Fourth International Leibniz Congress at Hannover, Germany in November of 1983 [*]; it
appears here in expanded and revised form.
[* Published in Leibniz Werk und Wirkung. IV Internationale Leibniz-Kongress. Vorträge, Hannover, 14. bis 19. Novembre 1983,
Hannover: Gottfried-Wilhelm-Leibniz-Gesellschaft, 1984, pp. 193-202.]
———. 1994. "Encyclopedic Philosophical Writings in Central Europe During the High and Late Renaissance (C. 1500 - C. 1700)." Archiv für
Begriffsgeschichte no. 37:212-256.
Reprinted as Essay VI in: Philosophy and the Arts in Central Europe, 1500-1700.
"The history of encyclopedias begins in the ancient world and extends up to the present day. What is an encyclopedia?1 What kinds of
encyclopedias are there? And to what extent are encyclopedias intended for pupils at schools, for students at universities, or for some other, non-academic
groups of people?
This article will attempt to provide answers to these questions within the limited context of Central Europe during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries.(*) It is important to keep in mind that the Latin. term encyclopaedia was only one of many terms that were used during that
period in order to denote or describe such works. And a few of these terms -- such as method (methodus) and system (systema) -- can be
regarded as very significant for the development of encyclopedias in Central Europe during these two centuries.
Some sixteenth- and seventeenth-century encyclopedias intended to cover all academic subjects, including theology, jurisprudence, medicine,
and philosophy. Other encyclopedias only covered one or several of these areas; still others covered the mechanical arts, occult science, or popular subject
matter. This article focuses primarily on the area of philosophy, that is, on encyclopedic writings on philosophy that are "interdisciplinary" insofar as they
discuss at least two philosophical disciplines." (pp. 212-213, notes omitted)
"The first years of the seventeenth century saw three concurrent developments in Central Europe. First, the metaphysics emerged as a
preeminent philosophical discipline. Second, the the term systema began to be used in the titles of comprehensive textbooks on many philosophical as well as
non-philosophical disciplines. Third, there was a sharp increase in the number of encyclopedic philosophical writings. Shortly before the year 1620, there was
a virtual explosion in the number of such writings, which then continued to appear commonly in Central Europe through the seventeenth century and
As indicated earlier, the discipline of metaphysics contains concepts relevant to all other philosophical disciplines. Just as works on
metaphysics and interdisciplinary philosophical works disappeared together in the early sixteenth century, they began to reappear together at the end of that
same century. Systematic textbooks on individual disciplines intended to cover the entire scope of those disciplines. This new emphasis on the comprehensive
coverage of individual academic disciplines from the year 1600 onwards went hand-in-hand with the reemergence of encyclopedic philosophical writings which were
intended as comprehensive philosophical textbooks." p. 234
(*) It is within the context of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Central Europe that a sufficient diversity and quantity of primary source
materials -- including both philosophical texts by individual authors and detailed information concerning the curricula of individual academic institutions --
could be found in order to arrive at conclusions concerning the evolution of encyclopedic philosophical writings.
———. 1997. "The Career and Writings of Bartholomew Keckermann (D. 1609)." Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society no. 141
Reprinted as Essay VIII in: Philosophy and the Arts in Central Europe, 1500-1700.
"In conclusion, the following three questions can be posed with respect to Keckermann and his writings. First, what was Keckermann's
contribution to intellectual history? Second, why was Keckermann so famous during the early seventeenth century? And third, which of these first two questions
should concern us most, and why?
With regard to the first question, Keckermann can be considered to have made at least three contributions to intellectual history. First,
Keckermann was one of the earliest Western thinkers to use the term "system" to describe academic treatises; his detailed discussion of the component parts of
systematic textbooks appears to be the first of this kind and may have been without parallel during the entire seventeenth century. Second, Keckermann was
exceptional in so far as he stressed that each academic discipline -- barring metaphysics -- has its own history. Keckermann documented the history of
individual disciplines by including chronologically and systematically arranged bibliographies within writings on some of those disciplines. In his
multi-volume history of logic, Wilhelm Risse refers to Bartholomew Keckermann as the first historian of logic. (81) Keckermann's bibliographies, which are
evidence of his broad knowledge of scholarship in his time, can still be used today to identify the names of many important sixteenth-century authors of
Third, Keckermann was able to integrate discussion of rhetoric, history, collections of aphorisms, dictionaries, emblems, and other
"humanist" subject matter within logically arranged and systematically organized treatises. He stressed the relevance of this humanist subject matter to public
life. It could be argued that Keckermann made a valuable contribution to early modern European intellectual history insofar as he was successful in
incorporating a form of civic humanism within a scholastic framework. (82)
Turning to the second question, at least eight reasons can be given in order to help explain Bartholomew Keckermann's fame during the
seventeenth century. First, his academic career and the publication of his many writings began at an opportune time; higher education had been expanding in
Central Europe during the late sixteenth century and continued to do so through the first quarter of the following century. (83)
Second, academic encyclopedias and encyclopedic collections of academic writings began to appear in Central Europe in about the year 1600;
they were published -- and used within academic instruction -- with increasing frequency during the following decades. (84) The author of the preface to the
1614 edition of Keckermann's collected works pointed to their encyclopedic scope and to their enhanced usefulness as a result of that scope. (85) Keckermann
published works on almost all of the academic disciplines taught by his contemporaries.
Third, Keckermann began his career by publishing primarily in the discipline of logic, for which there was a tremendous demand at Central
European schools and universities during his time. His many types of logic textbooks were able to be used in logic instruction at various levels. Fourth, the
years around 1600 saw the introduction of a number of new textbook formats in Central Europe; with his Systema and his Prolegomena, Keckermann belonged to that
group of scholars at the forefront of these new developments.
Fifth, he used the writings of Aristotle eclectically and the writings of Ramus critically at a time when many other school and university
professors chose to do likewise. Sixth, he won the enthusiastic support of colleagues, friends, and students, who edited and published many of Keckermann's
works both before and after his early death. Seventh, published attacks directed against Keckermann's writings -- beginning in the year 1599 -- by a host of
enemies helped to make him better known. And eighth, Keckermann's reputation had a snowball effect. Some academic institutions and individual professors chose
to use his writings in part because of their reputation and of their relative availability in a period when libraries and the book trade functioned less
effectively than they do today.
Turning to the third question, I would like to suggest that the study of Keckermann's contribution to intellectual history deserves less
attention than does the study of his career and of his systematically-written works. Thousands of professors and other teachers published their writings during
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Most of the writings of these authors have been unread for centuries; many of these writings have yet to be
rediscovered, assuming that they are still extant at all. So while Keckermann appears to have made several important contributions to European intellectual
life within the context of schools and universities, one cannot completely exclude the possibility that he was at least partially preempted by thinkers whose
works are still unread or unknown. And it should also be noted that originality was not valued by Keckermann's contemporaries in the same way as it is by
twentieth-century scholars. It was not uncommon in Keckermann's time for the authors of academic writings to defend themselves against -- or to attack others
with -- the charge of "unwarranted novelty. (86)
On the other hand, if we pose the question how Keckermann's career was so successful, our answer also provides us with information concerning
the academic and intellectual environment of his time. The general parameters affecting Keckermann's academic career also pertained to thousands of other
individuals who were pursuing such careers during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Certain paths led to successful careers at academic institutions; as
part of this process, a professional scholar such a Keckermann might fail to receive the offer of a certain academic position but might also decline to accept
another position. (87)
In addition, Keckermann's academic writings generally appear to have differed relatively little in content from the content of writings of
other sixteenth- and seventeenth-century authors, including the hundreds of sixteenth-century authors whom he cited as well as those seventeenth-century
authors who made use of Keckermann's writings within their own. (88) In studying Keckermann's writings on metaphysics, physics, mathematics, ethics, family
life, politics, logic, rhetoric, and history, we are looking at a corpus of learned views that -- barring a relatively small number of controversial points of
doctrine -- basically represented the curriculum in the arts and the sciences during his time.
To summarize, the value of studying Keckermann's career and writings lies not so much in the fact that he was original in some scientific, or
intellectual sense of that word. Instead, while studying Keckermann we are also provided with a wealth of information concerning academic life in his time as
well as concerning a large body of knowledge taught to tens of thousands of students at European schools and universities. It could be argued that the study of
the career and writings of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century European professional scholars pertains more to social history or cultural history in some broad
sense than it does to intellectual history." (pp. 323-325)
(81) Wilhelm Risse, Die Logik der Neuzeit, vol. 1, 1500-1640 (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Friedrich Frommann Verlag / Gunther Holzboog, 1964),
———. 1999. "Philipp Melanchthon's Views Concerning Petrus Ramus as Expressed in a Private Letter Written in 1543: A Brief Assessment." In
Melanchthon Und Die Marburger Professoren. Vol. Ii, edited by Mahlmann-Bauer, Barbara, 841-848. Marburg: Universitätsbibliothek.
———. 2001. "Melanchthon's Opinion of Ramus and the Utilization of Their Writings in Central Europe." In The Influence of Petrus
Ramus, edited by Feingold, Mordechai, Freedman, Joseph S. and Rother, Wolfgang, 68-91. Basel: Schwabe.
"Philipp Melanchthon (1497-1560) and Petrus Ramus (1515-1572) can be considered as two of the sixteenth century's most significant educators.
To what extent were the writings of these two authors utilized in Central European schools and universities during the sixteenth and the early seventeenth
centuries? Were Melanchthon and Ramus regarded as complementary or as contrary authorities? The search for answers to these two questions requires examination
of the ways in which writings on the arts by Ramus (i.e., logic, rhetoric, grammar, arithmetic, and geometry) and Melanchthon (i.e., logic, rhetoric, grammar,
physics, the soul, and ethics) were utilized during that period. This article will attempt to provide such answers through discussion of the following ten
1. the demand for Ramus' writings on logic as well as other arts disciplines;
2. the demand for Melanchthon's writings on logic and the other arts;
3. adoption of, and commentaries on, Melanchthon's writings on the arts;
4. adoption of, and commentaries on, Ramus' writings on the arts;
5. polemical writings against Ramus' writings on the arts;
6. the lack of extant polemical writings against Melanchthon's writings on the arts;
7. the frequency with which sixteenth- and seventeenth-century writings on the arts authored by both Lutherans and Calvinists utilized works
by Ramus in combination with works by Melanchthon;
8. the eclectic and independent manner in which Melanchthon, Ramus, Aristotle, and other authors were utilized by late sixteenth- and early
seventeenth-century writings on the arts;
9. revised versions of Ramus' and Melanchthon's writings on the arts;
10. differences between individual commentaries on Ramus' and Melanchthon's writings on the arts." (pp. 68-69)
———. 2001. "'Professionalization' and 'Confessionalization': The Place of Physics, Philosophy, and Arts Instruction at Central European
Academic Institutions During the Reformation Era." Early Science and Medicine no. 6 (4):334-352.
Abstract: "During the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, physics was regularly taught as part of instruction in philosophy and the
arts at Central European schools and universities. However, physics did not have a special or privileged status within that instruction. Three general
indicators of this lack of special status are suggested in this article. First,teachers of physics usually were paid less than teachers of most other
university-level subject-matters. Second, very few Central European academics during this period appear to have made a career out of teaching physics. And
third, Reformation Era schools and universities in Central Europe emphasized language instruction; such instruction not only was instrumental in promoting the
confessional-i.e., Calvinist, Lutheran, and Roman Catholic agendas of those same schools and universities, but also helped to prepare students for service in
nascent but growing state governments."
"Why did Central European academic institutions place primary emphasis on language - and not physics - within their instruction on philosophy
and the arts during the Reformation Era? Two answers to this question will be ventured here. First, the nascent
development of state governments - at the local, regional, and supra-regional levels as well as by secular and ecclesiastical authorities -
during this period went hand-in-hand with the need for individuals who could use language training (especially the ability to
speak and write well) in the service of these governments. Second, it could be argued that competition between Calvinists, Lutherans, and
Roman Catholics had a major impact within Central European education during this period, and especially from the mid-sixteenth century onwards.The
establishment of new schools by Protestants in the decades after 1550 had its counterpart in the establishment of Jesuit educational institutions beginning in
the middle of the sixteenth century.(56) And while Lutherans and Calvinists
established (or expanded some already existing Protestant schools into) multi-level, consolidated schools, Jesuits kept pace with that
development by gradually adding upper-level grades to some of their own Central European schools. (57) The establishment or expansion of a Calvinist, Lutheran,
or Roman Catholic academic institution at a given locality was sometimes matched by the establishment or expansion of an academic institution representing an
opposing confession at a nearby location. (58) One could make the case that this expansion and confessional competition in the realm of Central European
education actually increased as the Thirty Years' War approached and began. It appears that this confessional competition gave birth to some pedagogical
innovations in the early decades of the seventeenth century; these innovations included the introduction of comprehensive encyclopedic instruction-accompanied
by the publication of encyclopedic philosophical writings intended for students-at the school level, by the development of a large number of new academic
subject-matters (usually referred to as "disciplines"), by the introduction of the term "system" as a name for methodically ordered textbooks (*), and by what
appears to have been the increasing emphasis placed on the development of curricular materials for students at various academic levels.(59) And two of Europe's
best known educational innovators from the early modern period - i.e., Wolfgang Ratke (1571-1635) and Johannes Amos Comenius (1592-1670)--were active during
this same period.(60)" (pp. 350-351)
(56) Refer to Freedman (1999), I (12-13), II (121-22).
(57) The gradual expansion of the Luzern Jesuit Academy from 1574 onwards can be traced through the extant Catalogi personarum et
officiorum a prima origine Collegii nostri Lucernensis, 1574 [-1773] [Luzern SA:Cod KK70]; also see the following general study pertaining to this same
topic: Karl Hengst, Jesuiten an Universitaten und Jesuiten universittten, Quellen und Forschungen aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte, Neue Folge, 2
(58) The very close proximity of a Protestant Academyin Lauingen (Danube) to the Jesuit University of Dillingen (Danube) is mentioned in
Freedman (1999), II (146, 148-49). The Gymnasium illustre Arnoldinum in Steinfurt (Westphalia) appears to have been largelyintended as a Calvinist
counterweight to a Jesuit Academy in nearby Miinster (Westphalia); refer to the discussion given in Freedman (1988), 46-48, 489-90.
(59) Refer to Freedman (1999), VI; concerning the introduction of such new subject-matters see Freedman (1999), VII (46-47). Bartholomew
Keckermann's publication of logic textbooks at various academic levels of difficulty is discussed in Freedman (1999), VIII (317-18).
(60) See Freedman (1999), I (13, 39-40).
(*) [On the introduction of the term systema, see J. S. Freedman, The Career and Writings of Bartholomew Keckermann (d.
1609), pp. 312-314.]
———. 2002. "Philosophical Writings on the Family in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Europe." Journal of Family History no. 27
"Recent research on the early modern European family has largely been based on archival sources that are extant for relatively few localities
during this same period. This research can be augmented by examining discussions of the family contained within academic writings on theology, jurisprudence,
medicine, and philosophy during the early modern period. This article focuses on philosophical writings that arose in connection with sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century academic instruction. These writings routinely discuss the proper relationship between husband and wife, between parents and children, and
between masters and servants; also discussed are various categories of domestic possessions and how these possessions should be acquired and administered.
Within these philosophical writings, one controversial issue pertaining to family life is sometimes raised: whether servants are more essential to the family
than children. These writings uniformly equate the family with the nuclear family; in doing so, they provide collaboration for similar findings by social and
———. 2003. "When the Process Is Part of the Product: Searching for Latin-Language Writings on Philosophy and the Arts Used at Central
European Academic Institutions During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries." In Germania Latina Latinitas Teutonica. Politik, Wissenschaft,
Humanistische Kultur Vom Späten Mittelalter Bis in Unsere Zeit. (Band Ii), edited by Kessler, Eckhard and Kuhn, Heinrich C., 565-591. München: Wilhelm
"While Central Europe witnessed a growing trend towards the use of the vernacular during the 16th century, Latin still remained the dominant
language in Central European academic institutions well into the 18th century. This paper will discuss Latin language writings on philosophy and the arts which
arose in connection with academic instruction at those academic institutions. More specifically, this paper will focus on the following six questions (1-6): 1.
What are the various subject-matters which comprised "philosophy and the arts" at Central European academic institutions during the 16th and 17th centuries? 2.
What are the various genres of writings -- and the component parts of these genres -- that comprised philosophy and the arts? 3. How does one find such
writings at individual libraries and other information repositories within as well as beyond Germany? 4. What are some of the factors and problems involved in
searching for such writings? 5. How does this search process enable us to gain knowledge concerning 16th- and 17th-century writings on philosophy and the arts?
6. Can this search process provide us with additional insights pertaining to yet other areas of inquiry?" (p. 565)
"Sixteenth- and seventeenth-century writings on philosophy and the arts - which normally arose in connection with academic instruction both
in and beyond Central Europe - have generally remained unstudied to up the present day. One principal reason for this can be suggested here: the process
involved in finding such writings is quite complex but rarely understood. Yet it would be a mistake to focus only on the published results of such research;
when undertaking the study of these writings, the research process usually cannot be clearly separated from the resulting product.(54)
Much of the knowledge one has concerning these writings on philosophy and the arts is derived from one's own research in progress, i.e., from
that stage or stages when one is in the process of finding primary source materials, some of which may be used in one or more publications. This knowledge can
often be used to assist other researchers, including professional colleagues as well as students. And this process - with its many facets and variations - will
have to be revisited as a necessary component of all future research and
publication pertaining to this same genre of writings." (p. 591)
(54) The importance of process as a part of product has been recognized by many individuals from the business world and well as by academics
in some fields; for example refer to the following serial articles: Edwin E. Bobrow, »Successful New Products ar Product of Process,« Marketing News 28, no. 9
(April 25, 1994): E10; Samuel S. Myers, Performance Reading Comprehension - Product or Process,«Educational Review 43, no. 3 (1991): 257-272.
———. 2004. "Academic Philosophical and Philological Writings on the Subject-Matter of Women, C. 1670-C. 1700." In Geschlechterstreit Am
Beginn Der Europäischen Moderne. Die Querelle Des Femmes, edited by Engel, Gisela, Hassauer, Friederike, Rang, Brita and Wunder, Heide, 228-244.
Königstein/Ts: Verlag Ulrike Helmer.
Kulturwissenschaftliche Gender Studies, Vol. 4.
"Suzanne Hull begins the preface to her exemplary book titled »Women According to Men: The World of Tudor-Stuart Women« with the following
The goal of this book is to provide an introduction to the world of English women from 1525 to 1675, using the written words of men of that
time. It was an era recorded, in print, almost exclusively by men. More than 99 percent of all publications were by male authors (1).
Hull’s point applies aptly to discussions of women and gender in philosophical and philological writings which arose in connection with
instruction held at schools and universities in Europe during the 16th and 17th centuries. In fact, no such writings authored by women are known to have
survived (2). And furthermore, it was not until about the year 1670 that men began to publish – in relatively moderate quantities – writings on the subject
matter of women; these publications on women appear to have been limited – with no, almost no or very few exceptions – to Central Europe and Scandinavia.
This article addresses the following four questions.
– What kinds of philosophical and philological writings discussed women and gender during the 16th and 17th centuries?
– Which sorts of specific topics pertaining women and gender were discussed within these writings?
– Why did an increased number of academic writings written on the subject-matter of women begin to be published from shortly before the year
– Why do such writings have been published only – or overwhelmingly – in Central Europe and in Scandinavia through the year 1700?" (p.
"Two volumes on family life (oeconomica) by Christian Wolff (1679-1754) were published in the years 1754 and 1755, respectively
(74). Wolff subordinates the wife to the husband within the household. He states that it is in accordance with order and with the nature of things that the
husband occupy himself with tasks which are masculine and more difficult while the wife should concern herself with tasks which are feminine and easier
The four primary qualities – which had been used during the 16th and 17th centuries to justify prejudicial attitudes towards women – appear
to have had no presence within Wolff’s philosophical writings; did some other philosophical concept(s) stand in for the four primary qualities in this regard?
His occasional references to »physical capability« (habilitas physica) and »virtue« (virtus) may have been meant to serve in part to serve
this purpose (76). But more detailed examination of the views expressed within philological and philosophical writings by Christian Wolff and other 18th
century academic authors lies outside the scope of the present study (77)." (p. 236)
(1) Suzanne W. Hull, Women according to Men. The World of Tudor-Stuart Women, Altamira Press 1996, 9.
(2) This is not to say that there were no philosophical and philological writings authored by women during these two centuries. For example,
refer to the following: Olympia Fulvia Morata, Omnium eruditissimae latina et graeca, quae haberi potuerunt, monumenta (Basileae: Apud Petrum Pernam,
1558) [Heidelberg UB: D 8544 Res]; Anna Maria a Schurman, Opuscula hebraea, graeca, gallica, prosaica & metrica (Lugduni Batavorum: Ex officina
Elsevirorium, 1648) [Hannover LB: Ba-A 1717]; (Margaret) [Cavendish], Duchess of Newcastle, Grounds of natural philosophy: divided into thirteen parts
... The second edition, London, (1668). [Berlin SB: 40 Nl 144272].
(74) Christianus L. B. de Wolff, Oeconomica methodo scientifica pertractata. Pars prima in qua agitur de societatibus minoribus, conjugali,
paterna, et herili (Halae Magdeburgicae: Prostat in officina Libraria Rengeriana, 1754) [Erlangen UB: 40 Phs. I, 47 Qu],
(Reprint edition: Hildesheim und New York, Georg Olms, 1972). Christian Wolff Gesammelte Werke. II. Abteilung. Lateinische Schriften. Band
27. Oeconomica; Christianus L. B. de Wolff, Oeconomica methodo scientifica pertractata pars reliqua, in qua
agitur de societatibus minoribus, conjugali, paterna, et herili. Post fata beati autoris continuata et absoluta a Michaele Christoph. Hanovio
(Magdeburgicae: Prostat in officina Libraria Rengeriana, 1755) [Erlangen UB: 40 Phs. I, 47 Qu] (Reprint edition:
Hildesheim und New York: Georg Olms, 1972) Christian Wolff Gesammelte Werke. II. Abteilung. Lateinische Schriften. Band 28.
(75) »Ordini & naturae rerum nihil est convenientius, quam ut maritus praesit actionis masculinis & difficilioribus, uxor femininis
potissimum facilioribusque ...« Wolff, Oeconomica ... pars reliqua (1755) (cf.73), 603 (§767).
(76) Wolff, Oeconomica ... pars prima (1754) (cf. 73), 52-53 (§37), 378 (§225).
(77) I am currently preparing to publish an article devoted to Christian Wolff’s two treatises on family life (oeconomica), (cf.
The following abbreviations are used:
HAB = Herzog August Bibliothek / Duke August Library; KB = Kunglige Biblioteket /Royal Library; LB = Landesbibliothek / Provincial Library;
SB = Staatsbibliothek State Library; StB = Stadtbibliothek / Municipal Library; U of Ill, U-C: University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, Special Collections;
UB = Universitätsbibliothek / University Library; ULB = Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek / University and Provincial Library; UStB = Universitäts- und
Stadtbibliothek / University and Municipal Library; ZB = Zentralbibliothek
———. 2004. "The Soul (Anima) According to Clemens Timpler (1563/4-1624) and Some of His Central European Contemporaries." In
Scientiae Et Artes. Die Vermittlung Alten Und Neuen Wissens in Literatur, Kunst Und Musik, edited by Mahlmann-Bauer, Barbara, 791-830. Wiesbaden: Otto
"This paper will focus on the concept of the soul as expounded within the extant writings of Clemens Timpler (1563/4- 1624)" (p. 791)
"Timpler’s views on the soul will be placed into the context of some selected views on that same subject-matter presented by sixty of his
Central European contemporaries, i. e. by Calvinist, Lutheran, and Roman Catholic authors who taught philosophy and the arts at Central European schools and
universities between 1590 and 1625. (4) These views on the soul have survived within published writings (principally disputations, textbooks, and orations) as
well as within manuscripts (mainly lecture notes). (5)
Timpler’s views on the soul are contained for the most part within his textbooks on metaphysics and animate physics (Empsychologia)
- first published in the years 1604 and 1607, respectively - as well as within five published disputations - published in the years 1594, 1597, ca. 1597, 1609,
and 1611 - over which he presided; some material contained within his textbooks on general physics, inanimate physics (Apsychologia), ethics, logic,
and human physiognomy as well as within his collection of philosophical exercises also
pertain to this subject matter. (6) It is mainly short disputations on the concept of the soul published by Timpler’s Central European
contemporaries that will be utilised in this article in order to place some of his views on this subject-matter into a broader context. (7)" (pp. 792-793)
(4) In arriving at the sum of sixty authors here I have only counted each praeses of any given disputation as its author. If one was to count
the praeses as well as the respondens in the case of each disputation listed in the bibliography, the number of authors would
be considerably higher than sixty. General discussions concerning Renaissance notions on the soul have been published by Kessler (1988) and
Park (1988); Kennedy (1980), Kuhn (1996), and Spruit (1997) discuss aspects of the concept of the soul as understood by two Italian authors, Bernardino Telesio
(1509 - 1588) and Cesare Cremonini (1550 - 1631). See section E of the bibliography in this article.
(5) Here it should be noted that Central European Roman Catholic authors published very few philosophical textbooks during the period between
1590 and 1625. The bulk of textbooks pertaining to philosophy and the arts that were utilized by Roman Catholic
academic institutions in Central Europe during this period were written by Italian, Portuguese and Spanish authors. Some lecture notes in
manuscript form — written by Central European Roman Catholic professors as well as by their own students - are extant; for example, see Wenk and Zurcher
(1623). Yet printed disputations provide us with the bulk of philosophical source material for Roman Catholic philosophy instruction held between the years
1590 and 1625.
(6) See section A of the bibliography for the known publishing history of these writings by Timpler as well as Freedman (1988). Timpler’s
names for his textbooks on “inanimate” physics (Apsychologa) and “animate" physics (Empysckologia) may have been his
own creations. In the course of the seventeenth century such new names for treatises - as well as sections of treatises- were not uncommon.
Refer to the discussion given in Freedman (1999), VII, pp. 37-65 (no. 47). In his textbook on metaphysics (first published in the year 1604) he also refers -
in M: L.4C.5Q.9 (pp. 461-462)- to his own Anthropologia, which apparently was never published separately; it was published as Book 3 of his textbook
on Animate Physics in the year 1607. Previous to the year 1607, an Anthropologia authored by Timpler possibly circulated at the Steinfurt
Academy in manuscript form.
(7) In the case of Timplers Roman Catholic Central European contemporaries, such short disputations serve as our main body of extant source
material (refer back to footnote 5 above). And due to the complexity of the anima concept it has been deemed best to
place Timplers views on this subject-matter in context by focusing on a small number of relatively clear issues that appear within short
writings as well as within longer ones.
Nonetheless, a few longer writings by Timpiers Lutheran and Calvinist Central European contemporaries devoted in whole or in part to the
concept of soul have been utilized here as well; see Alstedius (1620), Casmannus (1594), Ulianus (1598), Caufungerus/ Magirus (1603), Hippius (1603), Hotstius
(1607), Keckermannus (1614), Lorhardus (1613), Magirus (1600), Scheiblerus (1614), Strigelius (1590) and Wolfius (1590). Two short orations by Lutheran authors
- i. e., Rhesius (1600) and Granius (1608) - have also been used.
Freedman, Joseph S.: Philosophy and the Arts in Central Europe, 1500— 1700. Teaching and Texts ac Schools and Universities, Aldershot/ UK et
al.: Ashgate/ Variorum 1999.
(Variorum Collected Studies Series CS 626). (I.: Introduction. The Study of Sixteenthand Seventeenth-Century Writings on Academic Philosophy:
Some Methodological Considerations [pp. 1- 40]); (VII.: Classifications of Philosophy, the Sciences and the
Arts in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Europe. The Modern Schoolman 72, no. 2 : pp. 37-65.
Freedman, Joseph S.: European Academic Philosophy in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries. The Life, Significance, and
Philosophy of Clemens Timpler (1563/4 - 1624), 2 Vols, Hildesheim, Zurich and New York: Georg Olms 1988 (Studien und
Materialien zur Geschichte der Philosophic 27).
Kennedy, Leonard A.: Cesare Cremonini and the Immortality of the Human Soul, in: Vivarium 18, no. 2 (1980), pp. 143- 158.
Kessler, Eckhard: The Intellective Soul, in: Schmitt, Charles, B. ec al. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, Cambridge
ec al.: Cambridge University Press 1988, pp. 485 -534.
Kuhn, Heinrich C.: Venetischer Aristotelismus am Ende der aristotelischen Welt. Aspekte der Welt und des Denkens des Cesare Cremonini (1550-
1631), Frankfurt am Main et al.: Peter Lang 1996 (Europaische Hochschulschriften. Series 20: Philosophy. Volume 490).
Park, Katharine: The Organic Soul, in: Schmitt, Charles, B. et al. (eds.), The Cambridge History of Renaissance Philosophy, Cambridge ec al.:
Cambridge University Press 1988, pp. 464- 484.
Spruit, Leen: Telesios Reform of the Philosophy of Mind, in: Bruniana & Campanelliana 3, no. 1 (1997), pp. 123-143.